You will never have as much power as you will have on Thursday (18 July) at 1 PM, when you vote on the Commission presidency in a secret ballot. The fate of the EU will be in your hands.
Essential in our view, is that in your vote you take into account the position of the new European Commission, especially the re-election of commission president Ursula von der Leyen and the new high representative for common foreign and security policy, Kaja Kallas, on the necessity of a European Defence Union. This is of the highest priority.
Moreover, the security of Europe depends on it. The recent events in the United States — the disastrous debate performance of president Biden, the attempt on Trump's life, and the nomination of a virulently isolationist vice president to the Republican ticket — significantly increase the likelihood of US disengagement from Europe.
The increasingly likely Trump victory would almost certainly lead to the evaporation of US support for Ukraine by early 2025.
All this means that the European Union faces a stark reality: the transatlantic alliance that has underpinned its security for decades is fraying.
The US, long the cornerstone of European security, is increasingly turning inward. The recent political turmoil in the US underscores this shift.
The Biden campaign's faltering performance and the rise of isolationist sentiment, epitomised by the new vice president, signal a retreat from global engagement. This retrenchment leaves Europe vulnerable, particularly in the face of the ongoing Russian aggression in Ukraine.
Sadly, the EU has repeatedly shown that without US backing, it is unable to protect Ukraine or defend itself effectively. The war in Ukraine has laid bare the EU's defence deficiencies. Despite numerous sanctions and diplomatic efforts, the EU has struggled to mount a coherent and effective military response. The reliance on US military aid has been stark.
Without American support, Ukraine's ability to withstand Russian advances would be severely compromised. This dependency highlights a critical vulnerability: Europe's defence architecture is fundamentally flawed, overly reliant on an ally whose commitment is no longer assured.
Yet, we have no choice as it is not sure anymore that we can count on the US against an increasingly belligerent Russia. Therefore Europe needs a European Defence Union. The EU must take its security into its own hands.
The European Defence Union would provide a framework for a unified and robust European military capability, enabling the EU to respond swiftly and effectively to threats. It would enhance strategic autonomy, reduce reliance on external powers, and send a strong message of resolve to potential aggressors.
The notion of a European Defence Union is not new. In 1950, as Europe lay in ruins and the Cold War loomed, and after influential proposals from Winston Churchill and Dean Acheson, French Prime Minister René Pleven proposed the European Defence Community (EDC). The objective - fully backed by the American authorities, especially the US Senate - was to find a politically viable way to rearm Germany under European control.
The EDC aimed to create a pan-European defence force, integrating the military capacities of its member states. The EDC would have had a shared budget, centralized weapons procurement, and centralized governance. The force would have had 42 divisions from France, the German Federal Republic, Italy and the Benelux.
Although the Treaty of Paris containing this plan was signed in May 1952, the French National Assembly rejected its ratification in 1954 and the plan was abandoned. And yet, after contemplating our current faltering efforts, It is staggering to think that, five years after a savage war that tore Europe apart, European politicians came so close to integrating Europe’s armies.
The reactivation of the European Defence Union would involve the same three key elements: a common defence budget, a common army, and a central command structure.
EU member states would commit to increased defence spending and resource pooling, to eradicate duplication and multiplication of weapon systems, modernising military infrastructure, enhancing cyber defences, and developing advanced technologies.
The EDU should not be an alternative to Nato but rather the European pillar of it as was already the idea in 1954.
The US, even under a potential Trump presidency, would see strengthening European defence capabilities as bolstering the transatlantic alliance, providing a more balanced partnership and reducing the burden on the US. It will also signal to other global powers that Europe is prepared and capable of defending its interests independently.
The path will not be easy. It will require significant investments in defence, overcoming historical hesitations, and building consensus among diverse national interests. However, the benefits far outweigh the challenges.
A unified European defence force would not only bolster security but also strengthen the EU's geopolitical standing, making it a truly independent actor on the world stage. The time for the European Defence Union has come. The recent events in the United States have highlighted the precariousness of relying on an increasingly unpredictable ally.
Europe must take its security into its own hands. The re-establishment of the EDU offers a viable path forward, ensuring that the EU can protect its citizens, uphold its values, and defend its sovereignty. As MEPs, your role at this juncture is pivotal.
On Thursday, you hold the power to shape the future of European defence. This is a rare opportunity to push for the re-establishment of the European Defence Union as the commission's and EU foreign affairs chief's highest priority.
In the coming security landscape, the establishment of the EDU is not just a strategic necessity; it is a moral imperative to ensure the safety and stability of Europe for generations to come.
Luis Garicano and Guy Verhofstadt are former liberal MEPs from the Renew Europe group
Luis Garicano and Guy Verhofstadt are former liberal MEPs from the Renew Europe group